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【08.5.22 法国 IHT】中国的公开化

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China's glasnost
By Nicholas D. Kristof
Thursday, May 22, 2008
中国的公开化
作者:纪思道(尼古拉斯 D·克里斯托夫)
BEIJING: China's glasnost
北京:中国的公开化

In the aftermath of the great Sichuan earthquake, we've seen a hopeful glimpse of China's future: a more open and self-confident nation, and maybe - just maybe - the birth of grass-roots politics here.
从四川大地震带来的结果中,我们可喜地瞥见了中国的未来:一个愈加开放和自信的国家,还有或许是平民政治的诞生。


In traveling around China in the days after the quake, I was struck by how the public and the news media initially seized the initiative from the government. Ordinary Chinese are traveling to the quake zone to help move rubble, and tycoons, peasants and even children are reaching into their pockets to donate to the victims.
震后游走于中国各地的几天里,我被公众和新闻媒体自发响应政府倡导的场景所震惊。普通的中国人前往灾区帮助清除瓦砾,上到商业巨子下至农民,甚至孩子们都纷纷为灾民慷慨解囊。


"I gave 500 yuan," or about $72, a man told me in the western city of Urumqi. "Eighty percent of the people in my work unit made donations. Everybody wants to help."
“我捐了500元”(大约72美元),西部城市乌鲁木齐的一名男子告诉我。“我们单位里80%的人捐款了。每个人都想帮助(灾区)。”


Private Chinese donations have already raised more than $500 million. That kind of bottom-up public spirit is a mark of citizens, not subjects.
中国的个人捐款已经达到5亿美金。这种自下而上的公众精神是公民意识的标志,而不是服从。


Immediately after the earthquake, the Propaganda Department instinctively banned news organizations from traveling to the disaster area. But Chinese journalists ignored the order and rushed to Chengdu - and the order was rescinded the next day.
地震发生后,宣传部立刻本能地禁止新闻机构前往灾区。但是中国的新闻记者不顾指令命令涌入成都-于是禁令在第二天被废除了。


Initial score: Propaganda Department, 0; News Media, 1.
初始得分:宣传部0分;新闻媒体1分。


Since then, the authorities have managed to rein in the media again, and the Propaganda Department is ordering news organizations to report on how wonderful the relief efforts are. Many Chinese journalists are chafing instead to investigate corruption and the reasons schools collapsed when government offices didn't. The final score will depend on whether those stories are published.
之后当局又一次试图驾驭媒体,宣传部组织新闻媒体宣传救援工作如何卓有成效。许多中国记者推波助澜,而不是调查腐败和政府建筑屹立而校舍倒塌的原因。最终的得分要视这些问题被如何公示。


China-watchers have long debated whether the country is evolving toward greater freedom and pluralism. One camp, myself included, believes it is. We see China slowly following the trajectory of South Korea, Indonesia, Mongolia and other neighboring countries away from authoritarianism. We see perestroika leading to glasnost.
中国观察家们长久以来辩论着这个国家是否在向更加自由和多元化方向演进。一方(包括我在内)相信是。我们看到中国正在慢慢沿着韩国、印尼、蒙古和其他邻国的轨迹走出专治。我们看到改革向公开化迈进。


Frankly, the evidence has been mixed, and the skeptics are right to note that dissidents are still more likely to end up in jail than on the news. But on balance, the earthquake gives hope to us optimists.
(这么认为的)证据坦白讲是交杂的,怀疑论者们提到反对者仍可能在牢狱中而不是新闻里销声匿迹不无道理。但公平而论,地震给了我们乐观派以希望


China may claim to be Marxist-Leninist, but it's really market-Leninist. The rise of wealth, a middle class, education and international contacts are slowly undermining one-party rule and nurturing a new kind of politics.
中国或许被称为马克思-列宁主义国家,但它实际上是市场-列宁主义国家。财富、中产阶层、教育和国际接触的崛起和提升正在慢慢侵蚀一党专治并带来新的政治面貌。


Prime Minister Wen Jiabao is hard-working and blessed with nearly a photographic memory, but he also may be the second-most boring person alive (after his boss, President Hu Jintao). Both Hu and Wen rose through the system as classic Communist apparatchiks - Brezhnevs with Chinese faces.
温家宝总理工作勤奋具有超强的记忆力,但他可能是仅次于他的上司胡锦涛主席的沉闷而无趣的人物。胡锦涛和温家宝是这个系统提拔的典型的共产党官员-中国面孔的勃列日涅夫们。


Yet Wen has seen the political landscape changing and has struggled in recent years to reinvent himself. When the earthquake hit, Wen flew immediately to the disaster area and appeared constantly on television, overseeing rescue operations.
温家宝看清了政治形式的变化,近几年努力重铸自己。当地震发生时,温家宝立刻飞往灾区,频繁在电视前露面,监督救援工作。


Heroic tidbits seeped out. Wen fell and cut himself but refused medical attention. He bellowed directions to generals over the telephone and then slammed the handset down. He shouted to children buried in a pile of rubble: "This is Grandpa Wen Jiabao. Children, you've got to hold on!"
英雄式的逸闻流于坊间。温家宝跌倒受伤但是拒绝医疗检查。他向将军们咆哮地发出命令后摔了电话。他向被埋在瓦砾下孩子喊道:“我是温家宝爷爷。孩子们,你们要坚持住!”


Wen's conduct is striking because it's what we expect of politicians, not dictators. His aim was to come across as a "good emperor," not to win an election. But presumably he behaved in this way partly because he felt the hot breath of public opinion on his neck.
温家宝的行动是触动人的,因为这些符合我们对政治人物的期望,而不应是发号施令式的人物。他的目标是给人以“明君”的印象,而不是赢得选举。或许他(温家宝)之所以这么做一部分是因为他背后的舆论压力。


China now has 75 million blogs, often carrying criticisms of the government, as well as tens of thousands of citizen protests each year. China's police announced that they had punished 17 earthquake "rumor-mongers" last week, with penalties of up to 15 days in jail. But repression isn't what it used to be, and dissidents now are often less afraid of the government than it is of them.
中国现在有7千5百万的博客,常常有指责政府的言论,每年也有数以万计抗议活动。中国警方宣布上周他们处罚了17名地震“传播谣言者”,最高罚以15日拘禁。镇压不再是以往那样,相比反对者的担心,政府更担心反对者们。


In the 1980s, China's hard-liners ferociously denounced "heping yanbian" - "peaceful evolution" toward capitalism and democracy. The hard-liners worried that if citizens had a choice of clothing, of jobs, of housing, of television programs, they might also want a role in choosing national policy. The earthquake may be remembered as a milestone in that peaceful evolution. My hunch is that the Communist Party is lurching in the direction, over 10 or 20 years, of becoming a Social Democratic Party that dominates the country but that grudgingly allows opposition victories and a free press.
1980年,中国的强硬派强烈地指责走向资本主义和民主的“和平演变”。他们担心如果民众能选择衣服、工作、住房和电视节目,可能他们也要选择国家政策。这场地震或许可以被当作和平演变的里程碑而被铭记。我的预感是共产党在未来10或20年将向社会民主党方向蹒跚而行,它统治这个国家但是勉强地允许反对声和出版自由。


China today reminds me of Taiwan when I lived there in the late 1980s when the government was still trying to be dictatorial but just couldn't get away with it. It was no longer scary enough. Back then, the smartest of the Taiwan apparatchiks, like a young Harvard-educated party official named Ma Ying-jeou, glimpsed the future and began to reinvent themselves as democratic politicians. The epilogue: Ma took office this week as the newly elected president of a democratic Taiwan.
现在的中国让我想起1980年代末我驻留的台湾,当局依然试图专治但是却力不从心。它(台湾政权)不再那么恐怖。当时,像哈佛毕业的年轻官员马英九一样,一些最明智的党员看到了未来并开始将自己重塑成民主政客。故事的结尾就是:马英九本周就任民主台湾新当选的总统。

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作者: 神说
  (2008-05-25 18:31)
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